【BBC中文網】知足和感恩或許真能讓人身心獲益
新冠大流行給全球各地人們的生活帶來巨大影響,許多人生活被徹底打亂,一些人感到氣憤,煩躁、甚至抑鬱;但也有些人想法似乎更積極,疫情讓他們更懂得珍惜生命中的一切。
中文有"知足常樂"一說,英文裏也有類似的表達"Count Your Blessings",也就是對自己擁有的要知足、心存感恩的意思。
知足者才能常樂,這是老生常談,但BBC 科學節目主持人邁克爾·莫斯利醫生(Dr Michael Mosley)在他的播客《就一件事》(Just One Thing)中說,這裏面是有其科學道理的。
感恩心理
莫斯利醫生說,養成感恩習慣不但能讓人感覺更好,還能重新調整大腦思路,並對身心產生深遠影響。
比如,寫下或想想一天中讓你感恩的幾件小事,不但會讓你更快樂,還能幫助降血壓和改善睡眠。
莫斯利說,表達感恩是積極心理學運動(也稱正面或正向心理學,positive psychology movement)的一部分。它是心理學的最新分類,主要興起於1990年代末的美國。
因此,很多關於感恩對身心影響的研究來自美國就也不為奇怪了。
美國對200名學生的一項研究發現,讓他們連續9周寫出感恩清單後,他們的幸福感大大提高,身體疾患也減少了。同時,由於對生活感覺更好,他們也開始做更多的運動。
在另一項對各種疼痛病症患者的研究中,研究人員要求患者連續3周每天寫下他們感恩的5件小事。和對照組比較,那些每天感恩的人說,疼痛感大大減少,睡眠也有改善。
可能最令人吃驚的一個發現是,在另一項有關培養感激之心的研究中,研究人員發現了志願者大腦的改變:內側前額葉皮質(medial prefrontal cortex)被更大程度地激活。大腦這一部分負責決策以及獎勵。
學會感恩
那為什麼經常感恩會有這樣的積極影響呢?
莫斯利醫生說,需要指出的是,並不是所有研究都提供非常正面的結果。如果對自己的精神健康有任何擔憂,還是應該去看醫生。但如果總是在想不好的事情,那學會經常感恩可能會有所幫助。
英國謝菲爾德大學研究人員富西雅·西羅瓦(Fuschia Sirois)博士研究了感恩、善待自己以及它們在健康和福祉中所發揮的作用。
西羅瓦說,有一些有效的方法讓人們學會感恩,最簡單的方法之一就是想出當天3件讓人感恩的事:這些往往是別人為你做的一些事情,叫做benefit-trigger gratitude(因為別人為你做的好事而讓你感恩);
感恩有時也可以更廣義一些,比如早晨發現天氣陽光明媚,你也可以對此心存感恩:感謝這個美好天氣,能讓你有機會享受室外美好時光。
西羅瓦博士還說,他們還研究了經常培養感恩心理後所養成的一種感恩心態(grateful mindset/dispositional gratefulness),它在心理學上也被稱之為trait gratitude。
積極影響
西羅瓦博士所做的一些相關研究包括,養成感恩心態對慢性病人精神和生理健康的影響。
西羅瓦博士說,她的研究許多是關於感恩能否給飽受慢性病痛折磨的人帶來益處。她說,如果有慢性疾病,可能會經歷持續不斷的緊張壓力折磨,例如,疼痛、各種功能和活動受到限制等。
至於心存感激、或經常記下那些讓人感恩的事對身心健康可能產生積極影響的原因,西羅瓦博士解釋說,人們對此有不同理論和說法,而且取決於具體指的是什麼影響。 以睡眠為例,一些研究顯示,感恩心態讓人心理更積極、正面,凡事總往好處想,而不總是對當天的事情憂心忡忡,從而干擾睡眠。
在減壓方面,西羅瓦博士說,他們所做的一些研究表明,感恩心態可能通過類似的原理來幫人減壓、減少消極心理,同時提升人們對自己以及世界的積極心態。
她說,每個人對此有不同的解讀:有人把感恩看作是一種應對機制;也有人把它看作是調節情緒的手段。他們的研究表明,很難凖確界定是一種機制的作用,很可能是幾種因素和機制在起作用,為人們身心健康帶來益處。
免疫系統
莫斯利醫生說,感恩給人們帶來心理上的好處相對比較容易理解,但這能對身體的免疫系統帶來什麼影響呢?
西羅瓦博士說,有研究顯示,心存感恩可以減少壓力水平,看問題也更廣面而不是狹隘、偏執,因為人在面臨壓力時會激活身體的戰鬥或是逃跑機制(fight or flight),這時看問題也更容易狹隘。
她說,如果壓力水平降低了,會對壓力反應的生物相關性(bio-correlates)產生積極影響,生物相關性壓力反應之一是炎症,而炎症是導致一些列慢性疾病的重要風險因素。
現在與未來
研究還發現,培養感恩心態還能改變人們的生活習慣,讓他們更傾向於做出健康的選擇。
西羅瓦博士的研究涵蓋17項不同領域,涉及5千人,內容包括從良好睡眠、健康飲食、到經常運動、少喝含咖啡因飲料以及健康行為方式等等。結果發現,有感恩心態的人也更容易有健康的行為舉止。
研究人員也對這兩者之間的關係感到好奇:為什麼有感恩心態的人更可能關注自己的健康?
為此,他們調查了這些人的「未來傾向」。例如,他們為自己未來著想的可能性有多大?是否更具有前瞻性?
一般來說,放眼未來的人也更可能關注自己的健康。研究人員懷疑這是否與感恩心態有關。雖然感恩是現在時,而關注未來則是將來時,但他們的確找到了之間的一些關聯證據。
研究人員發現,有感恩心理的人更願意為未來著想。
西羅瓦博士表示,這其實是有道理的,尤其是當把它與其他一些相關研究結合到一起時就可以看出,表達感謝或心存感恩時,大腦會發生神經活動以及神經變化,大腦中負責這部分情感的區域會被激活,而這一區域與思考未來行動後果能力的部分同屬一個區域,兩者之間有相互重疊的部分。
莫斯利醫生說,如果每天能寫下幾個讓你感恩的小事,這會立即改變你的思維過程,讓它從負面轉向正面, 從而改變你的情緒。從長遠來看,甚至可以重新調整大腦的思路連線。
#健康 #人生
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過7萬的網紅加里·維納查克,也在其Youtube影片中提到,這是我能為20多歲的年輕人提供的最好建議之一。請讓這段影片成為那一部你需要的“勵志短片”, 希望它能鼓勵你不再擔心風險,勇敢的跨出那一步。因為如果你不去做, 你會後悔。如果你能真真切切的理解耐心的實用性, 相信我, 你會對自己得到的結果感到震驚。 — GaryVeeChinese 是加里與他的個人團...
「positive mindset中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於positive mindset中文 在 Facebook 的最讚貼文
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- 關於positive mindset中文 在 加里·維納查克 Youtube 的最讚貼文
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positive mindset中文 在 Eileen Carls 艾玲 Facebook 的最讚貼文
#intentions #affirmations #positivity #english👇🏽 #往右邊滑看中文👉🏽 #意圖#肯定#積極性
“能量總流向自己關注的點”
“積極心理學”
“精神能量”
“吸引力法則”
“振動”
“因果”
👉🏽 ...無論怎麼稱呼「態度,行動和結果之間的關係」~ 在我看來,積極性不僅是一種思維方式,但也是科學,也是靈性。
心理學已經研究與證明了各種思想與行為的連結,但有時我想著,我們是不是出生就懂這些,不需有人解釋?⋯ 不過常常讀書看理論,確實有助於提醒自己的思想對生活的影響多大!
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「你總會找到自己在找的東西,不管好還是壞,喜悅或恨」
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要在難處中專注於正面沒有那麼簡單,但正面態度是可以練出來的!
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我自己一直練習開放求善⋯
結果見最多的就是好人,好東西,好共鳴✨
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#少浪費時間和力氣在負面戲劇上
#就有很多能量給正面人事物
~~~english~~~
“Energy flows where attention goes.”
“Positive psychology”
“Psychic energy”
“Law of attraction”
“Vibrations”
“Karma”
...Whatever you call the relationship between attitude, action and results - In my opinion, positivity is not only a mindset, it’s also science, as well as spirituality.
Positive psychology has been studied a lot, but sometimes I feel like we knew this from the beginning anyway. We don’t really need explanations and theories, but they do help to remind ourselves about how much our own thoughts affect us!
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You will always find what you are looking for, good or bad, joy or hate.
I chose to be open for goodness - Good people, good things, good vibes.✨
.
#lesstimefordrama
#moretimeforlove @ Oahu, Hawaii
positive mindset中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
positive mindset中文 在 加里·維納查克 Youtube 的最讚貼文
這是我能為20多歲的年輕人提供的最好建議之一。請讓這段影片成為那一部你需要的“勵志短片”, 希望它能鼓勵你不再擔心風險,勇敢的跨出那一步。因為如果你不去做, 你會後悔。如果你能真真切切的理解耐心的實用性, 相信我, 你會對自己得到的結果感到震驚。
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GaryVeeChinese 是加里與他的個人團隊共同經營的華語帳號。加里為了能讓更多華語粉絲方便觀看他的熱門內容,創造了華語頻道。
「謝謝你花時間觀看這個影片。 希望你能訂閱我的頻道並留言你的感悟!你的留言是我的氧氣, 所以希望你能花一秒的時間打聲招呼 ;)。」---加里
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加里威是誰?
加里・維納查克為VaynerX (范納X) 的董事長,身兼VaynerMedia(范納傳媒) 現任執行長,VaynerX為現代媒體傳播控股公司,旗下的VaynerMedia則是提供全方位服務的廣告代圌理商,在全球4個據點服務《財星雜誌》100強企業。除了VaynerMedia,VaynerX下還有Gallery媒體集團,包含女性生活媒體PureWow和男性生活媒體ONE37pm。除了經營VaynerMedia,加里同時三間公司擔任合伙人,包含運動員經紀公司VaynerSports以及餐廳預訂App Resy。加里為美國廣告理事會(Ad Council)和鉛筆的承諾(Pencils of Promise)的董事會成員和顧問,長期支持水慈善(Charity: Water)的會員。加里是受人尊敬的公眾演說家和作家,曾5次榮獲紐約時報暢銷排行榜,也是Facebооk、ТW1tter、Tumblr、Venmo和Uber等公司的早期天使投資人。加里目前線上紀錄片影集DailyVee (每日威) 的主要人物,影集主要介紹在現今數位時代,擔任一名執行長和公眾人物的生活樣貌;同時他為全球百大播客節目The GaryVee Audio Experience (加里威播客體驗) 和#AskGaryVee (#聽聽加里怎麼說) 的主持人, #AskGaryVee是一檔問答型節目,主要給予商業和生活其他意見,可在Yоutube和Facebооk上收看。加里還與葛妮絲派特蘿(Gwyneth Paltrow)、潔西卡艾芭(Jessica Alba)和歌手威爾(Will.i.am),在蘋果第一個原創實境創業節目《Planet of the Apps》擔任評審委員。
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